There were some notable differences between black and white workers in 1990. On average, 75.4 percent of the blacks were employed by the private sector compared to 71.9 percent of the whites. Blacks also had a higher rate of employment in government jobs than whites. In the average county, 7.7 percent of the black workers were employed by local government compared to 6.4 percent of the white workers. A higher percentage of both black and white workers were employed by state government rather than local and federal government. The percentage of the black populations employed by the state was 9.5 compared to 7.2 percent for the white population. Perhaps the most significant difference in the work classification of blacks and whites was in the percentage of self-employed. In 1990, only 3.3 percent of the black population was self-employed compared to 10.2 percent of the white population.

Comparisons between blacks and whites in the industry of employment masks the employment differences between the two races. There are several indicators that shed light on labor differences between blacks and whites. One indicator is unemployment. In 1990, the average rate of black unemployment was 9.8 percent. There was double-digit unemployment for the black populations in the counties of Cecil (12.8 percent), Dorchester (10.8 percent), Queen Anne's (11.3 percent), and Somerset (16.4 percent) (see Graph 4). Talbot County had the lowest rate of black unemployment at 6.4 percent. The remaining counties had black unemployment rates between 7.9 percent and 9.4 percent.

What was truly ironic was that the black unemployment had increased noticeably since 1950. In 1950, the average rate of unemployment among black populations was 6.2 percent, even in the face of greater educational advancement. Between 1950 and 1990, the average rate of black unemployment increased by 3.6 percent. As shown in Graph 4, between 1950 and 1990 Dorchester was the only county in the sample where the actual unemployment rate among blacks declined (by 1.1 percent).

Despite a high rate of unemployment for the black population, the rate of unemployment for the white population in 1990 was relatively low at 3.3 percent. The white unemployment rate did not exceed 5 percent in any of the 12 counties examined. There were three counties that had white unemployment rates above four percent: Cecil (4.3 percent), Dorchester (4.2 percent), and Somerset (4.7 percent). Talbot County had the lowest rate of unemployment (1.6 percent) for its white population.

The counties of Kent (Delaware), New Castle, Kent (Maryland), and Queen Anne's had a white unemployment rate between 2.0 and 2.9 percent. While the counties of Sussex, Caroline, Wicomico, and Worcester had a white unemployment rate between 3.0 and 3.9 percent.

Occupation

In order to assess occupational transition since 1950, each job type was divided into five groups: upper white-collar, lower white-collar, upper blue-collar, lower blue-collar, and farm/agriculture. All managerial and professional specialty occupations were categorized as upper white-collar. Lower white-collar occupations included technical, sales, and administrative support occupations. Upper blue-collar occupations included craftsman, and lower blue-collar occupations included operatives, private household, service, and laborers. Those in the farm/agriculture category included farmers and farm laborers.

In 1990, 11.5 percent of the black population was employed in an upper white-collar occupation, and 18.6 percent in lower white-collar positions. As expected, the highest percentage of the black population employed in upper white-collar positions was in New Castle County. The proportion of black workers employed in upper white-collar occupations in Kent (Delaware), Caroline, Cecil, Queen Anne's, Somerset, Talbot, and Wicomico counties ranged from 10 to 15 percent. Only 5.6 percent of the employed blacks in Kent County, Maryland were employed in upper white-collar positions. Eight to 9 percent of the black workers in Sussex, Dorchester, and Worcester Counties were employed in upper white-collar positions. The percentage of blacks employed in lower white-collar positions ranged from a high of 33.4 percent in New Castle County to a low of 12.5 percent in Dorchester County.

In the average county, nearly two-thirds of the black workers were employed in blue-collar occupations. Of those, 80.9 percent were employed in lower-blue collar occupations. The range in the percentage of blacks in upper blue-collar occupations went from a high of 16.9 percent in Kent County, Maryland to a low of 8.4 percent in Talbot County. The range for blacks employed in lower blue-collar positions went from 61.6 percent in Talbot County to 39 percent in New Castle County. In 1990, the percentage of the black workers employed in farm/agriculture occupations averaged 3.8 percent.

Between 1950 and 1990 there was a tremendous change in blacks' occupations in Delaware and the Eastern Shore. In 1950, the percent of blacks employed in upper white-collar occupations was 4.2 percent. During the 40 year period, the percentage of black workers employed in upper white-collar positions changed by 7.3 percent. The greatest change during this period was in the percentage of black workers employed in lower white-collar positions. In 1950, 1.3 percent of the black population was employed in a lower white-collar occupation. By 1990, the percentage had increased to 18.6.

The percentage of black workers employed in upper blue-collar positions increased by 9.2 percent between 1950 and 1990, while the percentage of blacks in lower blue-collar positions actually declined by 13.8 percent during this period. The largest change in the occupation of blacks was in the percentage employed in farm/agriculture. In 1950, 23.7 percent of the black population was employed in farming/agriculture. By 1990, that percentage declined to 3.8 percent.

Despite the tremendous change in occupations since 1950, a better indicator of the improvement in blacks' occupational patterns is a comparison of occupational differences between blacks and whites in 1990. In 1990, the difference between the percentage of blacks and the percentage of whites employed in upper white-collar positions was 12.3 percent (see Graph 5). Similarly, the average difference between the two populations in lower white-collar occupations was 12.6 percent. The smallest average difference between the two groups in 1990 was in the percentage of blacks and whites employed in upper blue-collar (3.7 percent difference) and farming/agriculture (1.1 percent difference).

The greatest occupational difference between the black and white populations was in the percentage of the respective populations employed in lower blue-collar occupations. While slightly more than half (53.5 percent) of the black workers were employed in lower blue-collar positions, slightly less than one-fourth (23.3) of the white population was similarly employed (30.2 percent difference).

Income

In 1990, the national median family income for the black population was $23,550. The median family income for black populations in Delaware and the Eastern Shore was $816 higher than the national median income. The black population in five of the 12 counties had a median family income that was lower than the national median family income for blacks: Sussex County ($19,934); Caroline County ($20,037); Somerset County ($22,446); Talbot County ($19,493); and Worcester County ($20,741). Only in New Castle County did the median family income of blacks exceed $30,000 ($30,165). The median family income for the black populations in Cecil, Kent (Maryland), Queen Anne's, and Wicomico ranged from $26,719 to $27,946. The 1990 median family income for black families in Kent (Delaware), Dorchester, and Somerset counties ranged from $22,446 to $24,755.

In 1950, the median family income for black populations was $1,110. The black population in New Castle County had the highest median family income ($1,661), while the black population in Caroline County had the lowest median family income ($845). The median family income for black populations in Kent (Delaware), Dorchester, Queen Anne's, Somerset, Talbot, and Worcester counties was less than $1,110. While black populations in Sussex, Cecil, Kent (Maryland), and Wicomico counties had incomes above the median.

Although the average median family income for black families increased by more than $23,000 between 1950 and 1990, the income gap between black populations and white populations remained significant (see Graph 6). The 1990 median family income for the black population was $24,366 compared to $38,687 for the white population. Another way to think about this income gap is that black families made $0.63 for every $1.00 made by white families.

The greatest difference in median family income between black and white families was in Talbot County. In Talbot, the median family income for the black population was $19,493 compared to $42,921 for white families. The smallest gap in median family income between the black and white population was in Somerset County where the difference was $6,013.

Despite significant income differences between the black and white populations, there is one statistic that suggests progress. Since 1950, the percentage of black families with incomes at or above the national median has grown significantly. In 1950, only 3.7 percent had incomes above the national medium. By 1990, this figure had risen to 31.3 percent. In both 1950 and 1990, New Castle County had the largest percent of black families with incomes in the mid-to-upper income categories (8.0 percent in 1950 and 42.8 percent in 1990). In 1990, slightly less than 25 percent of the black families in Dorchester, Somerset, Talbot, and Worcester counties had incomes above $35,000. In Sussex, Caroline, and Wicomico, 25.1 to 30 percent were in this income group. Anywhere from 34.1 percent to 36.3 percent of the black families in Kent (Delaware), Kent (Maryland), and Queen Anne's counties had incomes at or above the national median.

Poverty

Although there has been a large increase in the percentage of black families with incomes above the national median, poverty continues to be a persistent problem. In 1990, 20.6 percent of black families had an income that was below the poverty threshold of $13,359. Queen Anne's County had the lowest percentage of black families with incomes below the poverty line in 1990 (15 percent), while Dorchester and Sussex counties had the highest (25.0 percent). The percentage of black families with incomes below the poverty line in New Castle, Cecil, Kent (Maryland), and Worcester counties was less than 20 percent.

Since 1970, all 12 counties have seen a decrease in black families with incomes below the poverty line. In 1970, 28.4 percent of the black population had incomes below the poverty line. The 1990 average poverty rate was 7.8 percentage points lower than the 1970 figure. Between 1970 and 1990, some counties experienced significant decreases in the percentage of black families with incomes below the poverty line, while other counties experienced modest changes. For example, during this 20-year period, the decline in the percentage of black families impoverished in Queen Anne's, Somerset, and Worcester counties was greater than 10 percent. On the other hand, the decline during this same period was less than five percent in Kent (Delaware), Sussex, Dorchester, and Kent (Maryland).

The difference in the percentage of black families and white families living in poverty was evident as shown in Graph 7. In 1990, only 4.9 percent of the white families were living in poverty. The average difference in the percentage of black and white families impoverished was 15.9 percent. The difference in the percentage of black and white families impoverished in Sussex County was 20.2 percent. The difference was equally high in Kent County (DelawareÛ16.1 percent), Caroline County (18.3 percent), Dorchester County (19.8 percent), Talbot (19.2 percent), and Wicomico (16.7 percent). The smallest difference in the percentage of black and white families impoverished was in the counties of Kent (MarylandÛ11.4 percent) and Queen Anne's (11.1 percent).

Conclusion

There have been profound changes in the socioeconomic development of black populations in Delaware and the Eastern Shore since 1950. However, a question still remains whether these absolute changes have improved the quality of life for blacks. The data presented in this paper show that significant educational, income, and occupational differences continue to exist between the black and white populations in these counties.

The demographic trends suggest that a larger percentage of whites than blacks are moving into Delaware and the Eastern Shore. Most of the blacks in these counties are lifelong residents. What we were not able to ascertain in this study are the socioeconomic characteristics of the blacks who are remaining in the county relative to the those who are leaving. If the blacks who are migrating out of these counties (especially the rural counties) are better educated and more upwardly mobile than those remaining or migrating into the county, than the quality of life for the black population in general will continue to be stagnant well into the 21st century.

The data suggest that black populations in these counties may become victims of a changing labor market in the 21st century. The data also suggest that a relationship exists between black unemployment and changing occupational patterns. Since 1950, the black unemployment rate in the average county had increased by more than 3 percent. As the demand for agricultural and manufacturing workers in these counties decreased, the black unemployment rate appears to increase. The data presented confirm that in 1990, blacks were under-represented in the higher occupational status occupations where jobs are expanding and over-represented in the lower status occupations that are decreasing. There is no indication of this pattern reversing itself.

A large income gap continues to exist between blacks and whites. In 1950, blacks in Delaware earned 47 cents for every dollar earned by whites. In Maryland, in 1950, black families earned 50 cents for every dollar earned by whites. In 1990, the income differences between the races had decreased slightly to 62 cents in Delaware and 70 cents in Maryland. All counties have seen a significant increase in the percentage of black families with income above the national median (31.3 percent for the average county). However, the percentage of black families living in poverty remains around 20.6 percent.

In summary, the key findings of this study are (1) black populations in urban areas have a higher level of socioeconomic development than those in rural areas; (2) there have been absolute changes in each county's black population's socioeconomic development since 1950; and (3) white populations continue to have significantly higher levels of socioeconomic development than the black populations.

This study was a statistical inquiry of socioeconomic trends in black communities in Delaware and the Eastern Shore. It was not designed to answer the why questions. For example, this study does not answer the question of whether there has been real improvement in the quality of life for black populations since 1950. Furthermore, it does not answer the question of why education, income, and occupational differences continue to exist. Clearly, as we move toward the 21st century, the timing is right to begin to research these questions and to develop practical policy solutions.

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